This book is dedicated to my beloved wife Fernanda, companion of life, silence, and dreams, and to my dear children, Susana and André, who are light, purpose, and continuity on this path I have always hoped would be just, free, and humane.
Chapter 1 â The Grand Stage: Where Parties Shine and the People Pay the Ticket
Chapter 2 â Deputies, Lobbyists and Other Creatures of the Parliamentary Forest
Chapter 3 â Electoral Campaigns: Reality Shows with Pre-Written Endings
Chapter 4 â Politics as Spectacle and the Citizen as Extra
Chapter 5 â From Referendum to Silent Revolution
Chapter 6 â Ancient Models: Athens Without Wi-Fi
Chapter 7 â Swiss Democracy: Watches, Chocolate and Votes
Chapter 8 â Technology as the Oracle of the 21st Century
Chapter 9 â The 2.0 Citizen: Informed, Participative and Armed with Memes
Chapter 10 â Political Education from Kindergarten (with Legos)
Chapter 11 â Codes of Ethics, Transparency and Sausages
Chapter 12 â Citizens' Assemblies and Collective Deliberation: From Square to Source Code
Chapter 13 â Collective Intelligence: Our Last Hope
Chapter 14 â AI in Government? Only if Itâs Better Than Humans
Chapter 15 â From âThey Decideâ to âWe Participateâ
Epilogue â Democracy in a Kit (Wrench Included)
đ Chapter 1 â The Grand Stage: Where Parties Shine and the People Pay the Ticket
Direct Democracy: From Stage to People - eBook
Francisco Gonçalves
A civic satire with practical instructions, from the first vote to the last meme.
A sharp, humorous and poetic critique of modern politics, âDirect Democracy: From Stage to Peopleâ exposes the theatre of representative democracy and offers a hopeful, practical vision for civic power. Through satire and insight, Francisco Gonçalves invites us to co-create a future where people donât just vote â they decide.
We live in a democrature. Yes, you read that right: a democracy with dictatorial overtones, glazed with constitutional varnish and rousing speeches. A system where the people âruleâ â but rarely know when, where, or over whom. Elections have become reality shows: we pick the least intolerable contestant, cross our fingers, and go back to the sofa, watching the country be managed like a soap opera with too many seasons.
Political parties are like travelling theatre troupes. Each has its own poster, lead actors, extras, propaganda scenographers, campaign directors (experts in pretending to listen to the public), and of course, the hidden scriptwriter who pens all the promises that will never see the light of parliamentary day.
In election years, everyone suddenly remembers the people exist. They kiss babies with teary eyes, hug fishmongers as if they were cousins, and pretend to love regional sausages and slow trains. Then, once the votes are in, the curtains close, the lights go out, and the people are gently invited to stay quiet until the next act. âThank you, weâll be back in four years!â
And the people? The people pay the ticket. In taxes, in endless queues at the health centre, in
schools with collapsing ceilings, in court systems that follow lunar calendars and files thick with constitutional dust. Still, we believe. Because we were raised to think living in a democracy is a privilege. And it is. Just not this democracy. This one is a democracy by post. The problem is most letters get lost somewhere in the corridors of power.
So the stage is set, the actors are in place. But whereâs the audience? Scattered, disillusioned, exhausted.
Tired of standing ovations for low-quality performances. Perhaps itâs time to write a new play. And who knows â take the stage ourselves.
đČ Chapter 2 â Deputies, Lobbyists and Other Creatures of the Parliamentary Forest
If Parliament were a forest, deputies would be the noisiest trees. Not because of their leaves, but because of the constant rustle of speeches â most of them more rehearsed than a school play. Some shout from conviction, others because their internal microphone is broken. And then there are those who only speak when the camera is on â a rare but flamboyant species.
Beneath the canopy, in the shadowy corridors and carpeted offices, lurk the lobbyists. Discreet creatures, often mistaken for advisors, consultants, or legal vacuum cleaner salesmen. Masters of invisibility, they influence without being seen, guide without being held accountable. The secret gardeners of legislation, choosing what grows â and what withers â in the legal ecosystem.
And of course, we have the technocrats: beings who speak in incomprehensible jargon and worship PowerPoint. They feast on impact studies, bar charts, and 200-page reports that prove everything and nothing. They often act as translators between popular will and institutional bureaucracy â usually ensuring that the former ends up well-archived.
The parties themselves behave like territorial packs. Each one guarding its ideological turf, marking its ground with fiery declarations, motions, and strategically placed tweets. Dialogue among them? More a chorus of barking dressed up as debate. Consensus is met with suspicion: when it happens, it usually smells of backroom deals or something suspiciously bipartisan.
And the people? The people stand outside the fence. Watching the forest from their screens, trying to understand why a simple change of address form takes longer than a chestnut tree to mature. Perhaps one day the people will enter the forest â not
with axes, but with ideas, proposals, and votes in real time. For now, they listen to the echoes of talking trees, hoping one of them might say something new.
đș Chapter 3 â Electoral Campaigns: Reality Shows with Pre-Written Endings
Electoral campaigns: that strange period when politicians pretend to be people like us, and the people pretend to believe them.
This is the phase when parties polish promises, rehearse their hugs, and calibrate their heartfelt stares. Candidates become soap opera characters, trained by media coaches and image consultants who study camera angles more than public policy. They carry pocket phrases and disinfected smiles, ready for any selfie or farmersâ market.
Pens, caps, kisses, and promises are handed out like candy. Promises? Ah yes, those are like balloons: colourful, light, and burst at the first contact with reality. No one expects them to be fulfilled â yet everyone feigns outrage when theyâre not.
Debates have turned into eloquence contests. Every response is a rhetorical karate chop, every question is dodged with the grace of a political trapeze artist. Party manifestos? Fictional novellas that no one reads. The real campaign happens in soundbites, viral memes, and proximity photos. Politics has gone full fast food.
And the people? They observe. They hope. They vote. And then they return to their routines like guests leaving a wedding where they barely knew the couple and didnât like the cake. The ending was predictable, but we hoped for a little more magic.
Perhaps itâs time to change the script. To turn this circus of promises into a permanent citizen assembly of real decisions. After all, no one knows the peopleâs problems better than the people themselves. And maybe itâs time to swap the clowns for serious folk. Or, at the very least, for people with a sense of humour and a sense of responsibility.
đŹ Chapter 4 â Politics as Spectacle and the Citizen as Extra
We live in an era where politics is no longer exercised â it is performed. Between parliamentary drama, staged TV debates, and choreographed promises, it becomes increasingly hard to tell a politician from an actor, or a campaign from a special episode of a prime-time soap opera.
Politics has become a form of entertainment. Speeches are crafted not to convince, but to move. Truth is no longer sought â only impact. A good soundbite is worth more than a well-structured argument. A well-timed tear sways more votes than a well-balanced budget. And social media? The main stage. Every gesture meticulously rehearsed, every phrase market-tested, every selfie calculated with digital surgical precision.
Meanwhile, the citizen has been reduced to the role of extra. Occasionally summoned when a âcommon personâ is needed for a news segment. Allowed to shout during a protest if the script allows it. Invited to âengageâ when the spectacle demands audience interaction. But deep down... kept silent. Because no one gave them lines.
In this democracy-spectacle, the people donât participate â they react. With emojis, with outrage, with ironic shares. But thatâs not citizenship â thatâs consumption. Public opinion is measured like a productâs success: how many liked it? How many viewed it? How many retweeted it? And debates? They're now vaudeville matches of rehearsed zingers, where the winner is not the one with reason â but the one with better timing.
Everything is image. Everything is calculation. And thus, everything becomes fragile.
The consequence? A disillusioned people. Cynical, resigned. A people that no longer expects truth â just a better performance. A people that watches politics like one watches reality TV: with bitter laughter, resignation popcorn, and a quiet wish to change the channel.
But maybe⊠just maybe⊠thereâs another way.
Maybe itâs possible to pull politics down from the stage and return it to the street. To strip it of false glamour and return it to the sweat of responsibility. Maybe politics should stop being a performance and become a workshop â with civic tools, citizens with rolled-up sleeves, heated but honest discussions, and decisions built together, not outsourced to PR firms.
Yes, maybe itâs time to rewrite the script.
And this time â no teleprompter.
đłïž Chapter 5 â From Referendum to Silent Revolution
Referendum. A solemn word, echoing with almost sacred authority, that political elites only dare whisper in moments of panic â never out of principle. Itâs the fire alarm of representative democracy: used cautiously, invoked reluctantly, delayed indefinitely.
And yet, at its core, the referendum is democracy in its purest form: the people answering directly, without intermediaries, without rhetorical fog, without parliamentary choreography. It is the temporary return of sovereignty to its rightful owner. And precisely for that reason, it terrifies those in power.
Governments hesitate. Parties flinch. Commentators roll their eyes. Because referenda, unlike elections, are unpredictable. And an unpredictable people is dangerous â at least to those accustomed to predicting everything⊠except truth.
But it shouldnât be this way. Referenda ought to be the beginning of something much larger: the awakening of continuous, living, direct democracy. Not an exception â but a habit.
Today, we have the tools. Digital platforms. Cryptographic security. An increasingly educated public. Entire cities now vote online for participatory budgets. We have software for deliberation, translation, moderation. We have, above all, a people exhausted from decisions made by those who never stood in a health centre queue or lived on a minimum wage.
And thatâs where the silent revolution begins.
Not with barricades. Not with slogans. But with participation. With collective proposals. With popular assemblies â in public squares and digital spaces. With ordinary people analysing
complex issues, listening to experts, weighing options, and deciding with care.
A revolution that doesnât make front-page news, but rewrites local policy. That doesnât make noise â but moves mountains. That doesnât overthrow governments â but replaces outdated systems.
Yes, some will say, âBut the people arenât prepared.â Were they ever? Readiness is a myth used to justify exclusion. The truth is: we learn by doing. Citizenship is not divine gift â it is a muscle. And the more we use our voice, the stronger it gets.
Fear of the referendum is fear of real democracy. Itâs the anxiety that people, when thinking for themselves, might say inconvenient things. But maybe itâs time for discomfort. Time to leave the armchair of passive politics and walk together along the path of deliberation.
In the end, the silent revolution is this: the quiet roar of thousands of minds awakening. Realising that the country isnât a stage â itâs our home. And yes, we can redecorate it together.
đïžChapter 6 â Ancient Models: Athens Without Wi-Fi
Long before deliberative apps, participatory budget portals and viral campaign videos, there was⊠the agora. The birthplace of democracy. The open-air theatre where the people of Athens didnât just applaud speeches â they decided. They debated. They shaped the fate of the polis with their bare hands and sharp tongues.
There was no Twitter, but there were orators on corners. No Facebook, but there were citizen assemblies. No viral memes â yet more thought and substance passed through those sandals than many parliaments today in full session.
To be fair, Athenian democracy was direct⊠but also deeply exclusive. Only free men born of Athenian parents could participate. Women, slaves, foreigners? Silenced. Invisible. Banished from a democracy that was, in truth, more aristocratic than universal.
And yet â there was something there. A dangerous, thrilling idea: that those who live with the consequences of decisions should be the ones making them. That the people should not merely delegate â but deliberate.
They gathered in open squares. They voted by hand, by token, by acclaim. There were no parties as we know them â only currents of thought, rival ideas, a whirlwind of argument. The divisions were intellectual, not corporate.
And then⊠there was ostracism. A fascinating civic mechanism where any citizen who accumulated too much power could be exiled by popular vote. A political reset button more effective than a dozen ethics commissions.
Today, itâs easy to laugh condescendingly at Athens: âHow primitive!â But perhaps that laughter should carry a note of awe.
For even with all its flaws, Athens dared to practice something weâve since buried in red tape: democracy as a verb.
They had time â because participation was duty, not inconvenience. They had voice â because no one spoke for them. They made mistakes â and owned them.
Athens without Wi-Fi was still more interactive than most modern democracies with fibre optics. Because the real connection isnât digital â itâs civic. And in many places, that signal is still weak.
But we, today, have the chance to finish what the Greeks began. To expand the circle. To use technology to include, not exclude. To invite everyone to the agora â be it under blue sky or broadband.
Yes, ancient Greeks had no internet. But they had something greater: living citizenship. And maybe â just maybe â it's time to reconnect.
đ§ Chapter 7 â Swiss Democracy: Watches, Chocolate and Votes
When it comes to direct democracy, one country consistently stands out: Switzerland. Not only for its happy cows and punctual trains, but because the Swiss have made voting as natural as breathing â regular, deliberate, and done with the same care they apply to their cheese and timepieces.
In Switzerland, referendums are not rare moments of national existential crisis. They are routine. From tax policy to urban planning, animal welfare to pension reform, the Swiss vote on everything. And not once every four years â several times a year. It's democracy on a Swiss schedule: precise, predictable, participatory.
How does it work? Simply â yet with discipline.
Referendums (mandatory and optional), where citizens can veto laws passed by parliament.
Popular initiatives, which allow any group of citizens to propose a constitutional amendment â provided they gather enough signatures.
The result? A population thatâs used to making decisions. A political class that knows it canât legislate in a vacuum. And a civic culture where the citizen is not a passive spectator, but a permanent co-author of the national script.
Is it perfect? Of course not. There are real critiques â turnout gaps, influence of campaign money, regional divides. But the fact remains: no other nation has embedded direct citizen power so deeply and systematically.
And no, itâs not just âSwiss tradition.â Itâs structure, itâs political will, and itâs trust.
In Switzerland, the government governs â but always with the awareness that the people can overrule them at any time. That changes everything. It makes politicians more careful. It makes citizens more attentive. It makes democracy feel alive.
Now imagine the same in Portugal â or anywhere else. Laws passed knowing they might face a binding public vote. Leaders who must convince, not command. Citizens who are not merely asked to react, but expected to participate.
âBut weâre not the Swiss,â some will grumble.
True.
But perhaps we can learn from those who dared to make democracy frequent, not ceremonial. Practical, not poetic. Shared, not sold.
Because if the Swiss can decide complex issues while sipping hot chocolate and listening to cowbells⊠maybe we, too, can decide our future between a coffee and a clear idea.
Democracy doesnât need to be Swiss.
But it should, at the very least, show up on time.
đ§ Chapter 8 â Technology as the Oracle of the 21st Century
In ancient times, people consulted the Oracle of Delphi to divine the will of the gods. Today, we consult Google to guess the will of the algorithm. The deities have changed â but the ritual remains: we still seek answers outside ourselves. Only now, the temples are digital, the priests wear hoodies, and the prophecies are sponsored.
We live in an age where technology knows us better than we know ourselves. Our voting habits, our commutes, our outrage cycles, our consumer cravings â all are tracked, processed, and fed into models. Artificial intelligence doesnât just predict the future â it shapes it. And so, the question is inevitable: can technology save democracy?
The answer? No â if left alone. Yes â if guided by people.
Technology has no soul. No ethics. No moral compass. It is powerful, tireless, brilliant â but blind to values unless we teach them. So the goal is not to hand over government to algorithms. The goal is to use algorithms to give government back to the people.
How?
Through participatory platforms.
With secure digital voting, auditable and trusted.
With online assemblies moderated by both code and conscience.
With systems that fight disinformation in real time.
With tools that help citizens understand the long-term effects of their choices â not just react.
Technology can be our new agora. It can make participation easier, more regular, more inclusive. It can connect retirees in remote villages and urban teenagers in the same deliberative process. It can allow people to vote with dignity â from home, with understanding, with tools.
But there are dangers, too. Manipulation by invisible algorithms. Filter bubbles that echo our biases. Bots that flood our feeds with venom. The illusion of participation without power. A slide from deliberation to gamification.
Thatâs why technology must be a tool â never a substitute. An ally, not a sovereign. A bridge, not a border. It should amplify democracy, not simulate it.
Above all, we need digitally literate citizens. People who ask who wrote the code. People who demand transparency. People who understand that a black box cannot govern a society in the light.
Because even when everything seems automated, the responsibility remains human.
Technology is the new oracle. But it will only offer wise answers if we ask it wise questions.
And if, in the end, it's not a machine â but a connected, informed, courageous people that decidesâŠ
Then yes, weâll have a democracy worthy of its century.
đ» Chapter 9 â The 2.0 Citizen: Informed, Participative and Armed with Memes
A new citizen is born.
Not in golden cradles or elite rhetoric academies, but between hashtags and pop-ups. Between digital riots and silent scrolling. Between sarcasm and strategy. Behold the 2.0 Citizen â wired, skeptical, ironic, and dangerously awake.
This citizen doesnât read the morning paper â but can dismantle misinformation in three swipes. Doesnât wait four years to be heard â they post, share, flag, build. No longer trusts parties or prophets â they trust facts, open data, screenshots, and meme-driven truth.
Politics to this citizen isnât a cathedral â itâs a co-working space. Not a tower of marble, but a network of noise and possibility. And when the system fails to respond, they donât whine â they launch a platform. A petition. A digital flash mob. Or a tool that does more for democracy in three days than some governments in three decades.
But donât be fooled â this citizen isnât naive. Theyâre exhausted by false promises and outdated bureaucrats. They laugh at the absurd, expose the corruption, but somewhere behind the meme⊠still believe. Deep down, they want in. They want a say. They want to help fix this mess.
And they have tools.
They use participatory budget portals. Vote in local digital assemblies. Join civic hackathons and open-source political forums. They gather in Telegram groups, Substacks, Discord communities â and rewire the civic fabric with the fervor of digital artisans.
They know democracy isnât static. Itâs iterative. They understand that error is human â but repeating the same old systemic errors is just⊠lazy.
They donât want leaders â they want collaborators. They donât want orders â they want access. And above all, they want the code.
Because politics, to them, should be open source: readable, remixable, forkable. Shared like knowledge. Debugged like a glitch. Updated like an app.
This citizen can stumble, of course. They sometimes fall for clickbait or fall into outrage spirals. But they learn fast. They self-correct. They return with better firewalls, sharper tools, and deeper questions.
Yes, theyâre sarcastic. Yes, they meme. Yes, they roast.
But make no mistake: they care.
Theyâre not burning it down â theyâre rewiring the grid. One emoji at a time.
And maybe, just maybe⊠theyâll be the ones to lead us from the stage back to the square. From applause to action. From âthey decideâ to âwe createâ.
đ§ž Chapter 10 â Political Education from Kindergarten (with Legos)
They say you must bend the tree while itâs young. But perhaps the secret isnât bending â itâs nurturing. Not molding, but growing citizens from the roots up. From the moment they learn colours, numbers, and shapes⊠why not also learn the shape of power?
Imagine a preschool where decisions arenât made by the teacher alone. Where kids gather in a circle to vote on whether todayâs activity should be painting or soccer. One child raises their hand: âLetâs split the time.â Another pouts: âI only want to draw.â And there it is â the first citizen assembly, with crayons and crumbs on the floor.
Sounds like a joke? Maybe. But itâs the kind of joke that grows into democracy.
In schools, civic education is usually late, dry, and disconnected. A list of historical events, names, wars, treaties. Frozen history. The student asks, âWhat does this have to do with me?â Silence responds.
But citizenship should be a living practice. It should be lived:
In how the classroom rules are decided.
In how the playground is shared.
In how lunch menus are debated.
There should be school budgets voted by students. Mixed councils of teachers and learners. Simulated parliaments that donât just mimic â they matter.
And more than that, we must teach how to:
Read speeches.
Spot manipulation.
Unmask fallacies.
Debunk charismatic nonsense with clarity.
We must teach that political power is not mystical or distant. Itâs the chair you vote to place in the corner. The colour of the wall you help choose. The rules you help write together.
Imagine a child raised in assemblies, exposed to argument and empathy, trained to listen before speaking. That child, when grown, wonât tolerate corruption masked as governance. Wonât applaud empty promises. Wonât settle for âthe lesser evil.â
They will say, âWhereâs the proposal? Whereâs the vote? Whereâs the community voice?â
Maybe that child will stand one day in front of a crusty old parliament and say: âThis isnât how we did it with the Legos. We deliberated. We took turns. We listened. We built.â
And maybe then, weâll have done it right.
Because real democracy isnât taught.
Itâs played, lived, assembled â block by block.
đ Chapter 11 â Codes of Ethics, Transparency and Sausages
They say that laws and sausages have something in common: itâs better not to see how theyâre made. Itâs an old saying â but it still turns the stomach. Because unlike sausages, which at least feed people, many laws are cooked only to fatten the powerful or postpone justice.
At the heart of democracy should be a code of ethics: sharp, clear, non-negotiable. Instead, we often get what looks like wedding etiquette guides â polite on paper, ignored in practice. Long, unreadable documents filled with lofty phrases and soft consequences. And when they are violated, we hear the infamous line: "Nothing illegal was done."
But ethics isnât about legality. Itâs about decency.
In many democracies, the boundary between âacceptableâ and âappallingâ is drawn with a crayon. The result? A system where honesty is seen as heroism, not habit.
And transparency? That lovely word â repeated in speeches, printed on banners, promised in debates â yet still allergic to daylight in actual governance.
Letâs be honest:
Political funding remains a maze of mystery.
Lobbying is conducted in the shadows of âworking lunches.â
Relatives pop up in key positions like mushrooms after rain.
Contracts are awarded through âurgent procedures.â
Accountability disappears in a fog of legal loopholes.
And then? âNothing illegal.â Just immoral.
So what can be done?
We start with clear rules, enforced without pity:
Real term limits.
Ban on revolving doors between public office and regulated industries.
Public databases for every vote, every meeting, every contract.
Registries for all lobbyists, consultants, and special advisors.
Punishments that actually hurt â not symbolic slaps on the wrist.
But beyond rules, we need a culture of civic clarity. Where being transparent isnât seen as a weakness. Where disclosing conflicts isnât scandalous â itâs required. Where citizens have tools to inspect, track, question â and intervene.
Because the best defence against corruption is not fear of justice.
Itâs the gaze of the watchful citizen.
Yes, some will say: âItâs always been like this.â But that phrase â the hymn of resignation â is a recipe for rot.
It doesnât have to be this way.
And sure, letâs keep making sausages.
But letâs make them in the open, with real ingredients, no rotten meat, and without pretending that smoke makes everything smell sweet.
đȘ Chapter 12 â Citizensâ Assemblies and Collective Deliberation: From Square to Source Code
For centuries, the public square was the place where voices rose and power trembled. Stone pavements once echoed with real debates, shared concerns, and spontaneous proposals. Then came the halls of polished marble, the red carpets of Parliament, and the thick velvet of closed doors â and somewhere along the way, the people were politely left outside.
But the square never died.
It morphed. Into community centres, public libraries, Zoom calls, Discord servers, municipal gymnasiums, even WhatsApp groups. It reemerged, less monumental, but more alive. And at the heart of this revival is the rebirth of the Citizensâ Assembly.
These assemblies are the antidote to apathy and the vaccine against elite fatigue. Theyâre made up of randomly selected citizens, reflecting real diversity: genders, ages, jobs, ideologies. They are not experts â and thatâs the point. They learn together, they listen to experts, they debate, they propose. Not noise â deliberation.
What makes them work?
Time.
Trust.
Inclusion.
Structure.
A moderator, not a master.
And above all: respect.
In Ireland, a citizensâ assembly paved the way for a historic referendum on abortion â a breakthrough more thoughtful than
decades of political debate. In France, one helped shape climate policy. In parts of Europe, theyâre becoming normal, not exceptional.
But letâs go further.
Letâs make them digital. Permanent. Open-source. Scalable. Transparent. Participatory. Letâs build platforms where thousands â even millions â can deliberate with dignity. Not in Twitter duels or comment wars, but in real structured processes. Where every citizen is both speaker and listener.
We can create civic forums free from commercial noise. Spaces where ideas compete, not egos. Where disagreements arenât threats â theyâre fertilizers.
Because to deliberate is not to argue.
Itâs to construct meaning together.
Itâs to consider what you hadnât.
Itâs to step outside your bubble without losing your essence.
Yes, itâs slow. Yes, itâs complex. But so is every good thing â love, art, science, justice.
Citizensâ assemblies are democracyâs repair shop. The place where rusted systems get rewired. Where decisions become shared. Where consensus isnât compromise â itâs a new common ground.
And the miracle? It happens again and again: Ordinary people become extraordinary decision-makers, simply because theyâre trusted.
In the end, we realise: We were never missing politicians. We were missing space, structure, and trust.
đ§Ź Chapter 13 â Collective Intelligence: Our Last Hope
Itâs not a bird. Itâs not a plane. Itâs not a lone genius with a cape and a five-point plan.
Itâs something far more powerful â and far more feared by those in power: Collective Intelligence.
Weâve been trained to look upwards. To wait for the visionary, the strongman, the saviour with glowing teeth and a convincing slogan. But history teaches otherwise.
No system has ever truly changed because of one brilliant person.
Change comes from the convergence of minds. From ordinary people in extraordinary collaboration.
Collective intelligence is not the same as âmob rule.â Itâs not viral nonsense or digital hysteria. Itâs not the loudest comment thread on social media.
Itâs the miracle that happens when:
Diverse people come together,
With real time,
Real information,
Real listening,
And the shared will to understand.
When that happens, something profound emerges: Decisions that no single person could have imagined alone.
Weâve seen it in well-run citizensâ assemblies. In civic tech platforms. In communities solving problems faster than governments. Weâve seen it â and yet, it still scares the hell out of traditional politics.
Because collective intelligence is messy. Itâs unpredictable. And most of all â itâs unbossable.
But it works. It works better than the CEO-model of politics. Better than backroom deals. Better than echo chambers of yes-men in ties.
Itâs also demanding.
To tap into collective intelligence, we need:
Diversity â not just in gender or skin, but in perspective.
Time â real time, not token workshops.
Curated information â clear, transparent, contextual.
Respect â the kind that allows us to say âyouâre rightâ without shrinking.
And yes, we need tech.
Tools to help us organise ideas. To visualise debate. To reduce noise and amplify nuance. To translate disagreement into evolution.
But no tech can replace intent. The real software is trust. The real operating system is humility.
Collective intelligence requires us to admit: We donât know everything. But together, we know more.
Itâs not utopia. Itâs been tested â and it works.
Everywhere people are allowed to think together, something awakens.
Something better than efficiency. More robust than ideology. More beautiful than ego.
Itâs the future â built in the plural.
And if weâre smart enough to trust ourselves, it may just be our last, best hope.
đ€ Chapter 14 â AI in Government? Only If Itâs Better Than Humans
After every political scandal, a fantasy floats through the public consciousness like a glittery chatbot whispering in your ear: âWhat if we were governed by machines? By artificial intelligences â incorruptible, logical, immune to scandal?â
The idea is tempting. After all, an algorithm doesnât lie, doesnât need re-election, doesnât hold grudges, doesnât embezzle, and never forgets a decimal. At least, in theory.
But democracy isnât just about efficiency.
Itâs about values.
And values canât be coded. Not entirely. Not yet. Not without turning human society into a tech support ticket.
Because governance isnât just choosing the most logical path. Itâs choosing between whatâs right and whatâs wrong â and sometimes, whatâs right for some and hard for others. Thatâs not math. Thatâs ethics.
Yes, AI can help. It can simulate scenarios. Flag inconsistencies. Detect bias in budgets. Spot patterns in public service complaints.
It can optimise traffic, propose school funding models, or check for legislative contradictions. It can assist.
But deciding? Deciding is human.
Because when we choose a policy, we choose a future. And futures arenât things you delegate to code â no matter how clever the syntax.
Still, the dream persists.
So hereâs the compromise: Letâs not reject AI. Letâs tame it. Letâs demand:
Transparency: Every decision a machine helps make must be traceable.
Auditability: If it canât be explained, it canât be used.
Inclusivity: AI should be built with public input â not just tech firms and lobbyists.
Ethics by design: Algorithms should be open to ethical questioning â not just optimisation.
And above all: Never let AI be the excuse for dodging responsibility.
Because when an algorithm screws up, the error isnât in the code â itâs in the human who wrote, deployed, or ignored the consequences.
Let AI help us see more, understand better, act faster.
But never let it replace the act of caring.
A government of algorithms may be clean, efficient, precise⊠But it will never cry with you. Never apologise. Never fight injustice out of empathy.
So yes â let AI into the halls of power. Let it whisper in the ears of ministers. Let it optimise the system.
But keep the soul of democracy human. Because if itâs just about lifeless calculation â we already have too many politicians acting like that.
𫱠Chapter 15 â From âThey Decideâ to âWe Participateâ
For decades, we were trained to accept the structure: They govern. They decide. They know best.
And we?
We watch. We comment. We complain in cafés and vote every four years like loyal subscribers to a service that keeps changing the terms.
âTrust the system,â they say. But the system rarely trusts us.
And so we drifted into cynicism. We built memes, we posted rage, we joked about corruption like it was bad weather.
But something is stirring. A shift. A signal in the civic static.
People are starting to ask not what the system allows â but why it exists as it does. They're wondering why politics feels like theatre⊠and why weâre always seated in the cheap seats.
Out of that discomfort comes a radical idea:
What if we stopped waiting?
What if democracy wasnât something done to us â but something built by us?
What if the people stopped being audience and became architects?
What would that require?
Institutions that open themselves to collaboration, not just consultation.
Decision-making processes that welcome plural voices, not polished press releases.
Digital tools designed for dialogue, not distraction.
Education systems that raise citizens, not just workers.
Media ecosystems that foster context, not conflict.
And citizens willing to learn, to listen, and to step in.
Most of all, it requires courage. Courage from leaders to relinquish control. Courage from citizens to own the consequences. Courage from all to say: âWe donât have all the answers â but together, we might.â
The transition from âthey decideâ to âwe participateâ isnât a slogan. Itâs a tectonic shift.
Itâs messy, slow, and often frustrating.
But itâs real.
You can see it in neighbourhood assemblies. In school councils. In protest signs that turn into proposals. In civic apps that gather votes instead of outrage.
And perhaps, someday soon, a generation will come who finds it strange that people once waited years to be asked what they thought.
Who finds it absurd that decisions were made behind velvet doors by men with prepared statements and forgotten promises.
And theyâll ask us:
âWhy didnât you do something?â
And weâll answer:
âWe did. We started showing up.â
đ§° Epilogue â Democracy in a Kit (Wrench Included)
Congratulations, citizen-reader. If youâve made it this far, youâve resisted the allure of Netflix, ignored the scream of doomscrolling, and said âyesâ to a journey that began with frustration and ends with a screwdriver.
You are now ready to assemble your very own direct democracy kit. Much like IKEA furniture, itâs full of mysterious parts, questionable instructions, and one extra piece no one knows what to do with.
But donât worry â weâve got you.
đ§© Whatâs in the box:
1 Constitution (preferably patched, not full of legacy bugs)
A handful of curious, stubborn citizens
1 secure, open-source digital participation platform
A couple of chairs in a dusty municipal room (for assembly use)
Empathy, moderation, time â batteries included
Coffee for the long debates
Transparency bolts and honesty brackets
A hex key for dismantling political opacity
đ§ Assembly Instructions:
Unbox citizen engagement. It may be taped shut with decades of apathy â peel carefully.
Slot collective deliberation into local governance. (If it doesnât fit, check your ego â it might be blocking the joint.)
Attach ethical framework to every decision-making process. Use screws labelled âaccountabilityâ and âclarity.â
Plug in the digital infrastructure. Make sure it doesnât auto-update to authoritarian mode.
Secure the foundation with civic education. Tighten regularly to prevent democratic wobble.
Invite others to help. (This model is community-built â no single user license.)
â ïž Warnings and Notes:
This kit does not work in rooms filled with arrogance.
Keep away from career politicians with sticky fingers.
Requires regular maintenance â mostly via listening and learning.
If system appears jammed, try empathy and humor before escalation.
Not compatible with absolute power or âstrongmanâ firmware.
đ Warranty:
Lifetime coverage, provided you actually use it.
Valid in all territories of thought, regardless of flag.
Trust not included â must be built from scratch.
You may now close the book.
Or⊠maybe not.
Maybe now you start building. Maybe now you knock on a neighbourâs door. Maybe now you design that app, organise that forum, rewrite that paragraph of your city charter.
The revolution wonât be televised. It will be structured, moderated, co-authored.
And if weâre lucky â or bold â it will be filled with joy.
This was never just a book.
It was a manual. A whisper. A spark.
And the wrench is in your hand now.
đ„ From stage to square. From script to source code. From silence to participation.
Letâs build it together.
â Power to the People
â A Manifesto in a Whisper and a Roar
They tried to turn the people into spectators. Silent voters. Passive clients of democracy.
But the people remembered.
That power is not meant to trickle from palaces. It is born in the streets, in conversations, in the shared breath of a crowd that refuses to bow.
Power does not belong to those who speak the loudest, but to those who listen, to those who build, to those who show up when it matters.
Power is not a crown. Itâs a compass â and it works best in many hands.
So rise, speak, assemble, resist â with humour, with rage, with love.
Because the future is not something we inherit. Itâs something we co-create.
Power to the People. Always. And especially now.
âWhen five or more stand together in freedom, they are no longer individuals â they are a current, a chorus, a cause.â
Freedom multiplies in company. And when people unite with courage and clarity, no wall, no crown, no silence can withstand them.
Power to the People â not someday⊠but always. â
THANKS FOR READING ! PLEASE SPREAD THE WORD !
đ Credits (English)
Original text and concept of the work:
Collaboration in writing, editing, translation, and political satire: with the creative support of ChatGPT (OpenAI)
Image generation and digital illustrations: Visual compositions developed using AI tools â ChatGPT + OpenAI image generation.
Compilation, editorial structuring : Assisted by ChatGPT, reviewed and overseen by the author.
Special Dedications